2015年1月13日 星期二

Description-- a Basic Skill in Writing Every Kind of Essays

     Almost every kind of essays employs the skill of description. Using description, we can give the audience a word-picture of people, places, objects, and emotions. In this chapter, the author first taught us how to write effective description, and then illustrated the problems to avoid
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Before we start to write a description, we need to recognize our purpose, to see whether we want to inform, clarify, persuade, or create a mood. We may want to show either an objective description to tell a fact or a subjective one to give a certain impression. Also we want to describe clearly, using specific details. For example, if we say, “Larry is a sloppy dresser.” It is too vague. We can’t tell how sloppy he is. However, if we say, “Larry wears dirty, baggy pants, shirts too small to stay tucked in, socks that fail to match his pants or each other, and a stained coat the Salvation Army rejected as a donation.” This description is more in focus and gives us a clear image.
While using specific details, we need to select only appropriate details, those that advance our descriptive purpose, and omit those we consider unimportant or distracting. Finally, we can make our descriptions vivid by using sensory details and figurative language. By appealing to the readers’ senses, we better enable them to imagine the subject we are describing. Figurative language includes simile, metaphor, personification, hyperbole, understatement, synecdoche, and allusion. Nevertheless, as the author said in the book, if we couldn’t use figurative language properly, sometimes the effect will worse than we use plain language. I found it difficult to use figurative language myself, and I admire the writers who use figurative language beautifully. For example, Virginia Woolf used personification to describe air in her To the Lighthouse, “…airs, …crept round corners and ventured indoors.” She used “crept” and “ventured” these two verbs, successfully creating a gloomy atmosphere.


     There are some problems to avoid when writing description. First we have to remember our audience. Sometimes the thing we want to describe is so clear to us that we forget our audience don’t see as clear as we do, and thus will be puzzled when they read. Next, we have to avoid an erratic organization of details. The author suggests that we can select a plan that will arrange our details in an orderly fashion, i.e. from top to bottom, left to right, front to back, and so on. A second plan is to present the subject’s outstanding characteristics first and then fills in the lesser information. The third plan is to present details in the order we see them approaching. At last we have to avoid any sudden change in perspective, for example, a sudden, confusing leap from a front to a back view, or from outside to inside.

     The author uses simple and clear language to illustrate how to write effective descriptions and provides ample examples to explain his points explicitly. The author also points out the common mistakes that almost all the students will make when writing essays. After reading this chapter, some of my confusions are solved. I really appreciate this book. 

2015年1月12日 星期一

Reflection (2)-- Taiwan's Future in Political Field

     In my last annotation, I found an article talking about Taiwan identification. According to the article, it seems that there is a growing tendency for Taiwan identification in the new generation. The younger generation identified themselves more with Taiwan this island, and think they are different from Chinese, because they grow up in Taiwan, sharing no common memory with those elders who came from mainland China with the Chinese National Party. Therefore, the identification is no longer a primary obstruction of whether Taiwan should be an independent country. I should try to conclude my issue paper from other aspects.
     Whither Taiwan should be an independent country is an issue too big and too complicated. If I try to discuss the issue from political aspect, I should briefly introduce the definition of politics. “The word comes from the Greek word from which the title of Aristotle's books Politics (politika) derives: "affairs of the cities", a dissertation on governing and governments.”(Wiki) H.D. Lasswell, a leading American political scientist and communications theorist, claimed that “The study of politics is the study of influence and the influential.” David Easton, a political scientist, said that “Politics is the authoritative allocation of values for a society.”
     In the situation of Taiwan and China, both the presidents of ROC and PRC are influential. Both governments seek for an international legitimate status since their division in 1949. From 1949 to 1987, there was no official interaction across Taiwan Strait. Some small-scale wars had occurred in this period, showing the resolute attitude of both sides. After Korean War broke out, Taiwan gained the military support from the U.S., the sole hegemony acknowledged at the time. Therefore, even Taiwan is not influential and powerful enough to hold its stance at the time, with the assistance of the U.S., Taiwan resisted the invasion of China. However situation changed after ROC withdrew from UN. Losing the support of the U.S., Taiwan’s international status became weaker and lost its influence to other countries. On the other hand, China became more powerful and seemed to have caught up the U.S. In terms of politics, China is the influential one now and Taiwan could not expect the other influential country, the U.S., to help us.
     When dealing with Taiwan problem, China government emphasizes the four principles: One China, Two systems, Autonomy and Peaceful negotiation. One China means that there is only one China in the world and Taiwan is the sacred and inseparable part of China. Two systems: in the premise of one China, China’s socialism and Taiwan’s capitalism could exist together. Autonomy: Taiwan is a special administrative region, possessing high autonomy. Peaceful negotiation: in order to achieve unification, Taiwan and China should be in touch and negotiate as soon as possible.

     Taiwan’s situation is not optimistic in the foreseeable future. Confronting the rising China, Taiwan doesn’t have much advantageous chips to bargain with. Taiwan’s future depends on Taiwanese’ decision and the government’s wisdom. Different leaders have different idea and goal, but it seems at least both KMT and DPP don’t view Taiwan as part of China. Whoever achieves most of their goal and lose less should be the winner in the political field.

2014年12月17日 星期三

Revised Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity and Solution for Taiwan’s Future

Why should we investigate Taiwan identity?

Group identity is important in social science study. Humans are social animals. In the process of evolution, people will attach to a certain group mentally. From the aspect of psychology, when a person says he/she belongs to a group, it reflects what he/she will dislike according to his/her knowledge and the world he/she sees through his/her mind, which enable us to speculate whether he/she will support or object to the political and social issues, and what information his/her brain will emphasize or neglect when receiving it.

Group identity is often related to a nation’s decision to be independent or unified. For example, in the process of European integration, those countries with stronger nation identification are more inclined to be against European integration. Another example is that the younger generation in Cyprus, a country on the Mediterranean which is separated to the north and the south, also stands against the unification for identifying with the different territory. To compare Taiwan with Cyprus, the geography difference cannot be ignored. There is no natural barrier between north and south Cyprus, when there is Taiwan Strait between China and Taiwan, which might have deferred the invasion of China.

The Rise of Taiwan Identity

Due to the replacement of the generation, there are fewer elders who had once lived in China and had fought the war. The younger generation in Taiwan who lives and grows on this land tends to identify themselves as Taiwanese.

For those individuals who change their identification in their older age, this transformation is often stimulated by the outer factors. In 1997, the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis which is caused by the missiles fired by China made Taiwan identification increased by 10%(See the chart below). Likewise, before and after president elections, the rate of Taiwan identification will also increase.

Economical benefits will also influence Taiwan identity. The Taiwanese who feel that China’s economic is beneficial to Taiwan tend to have less Taiwan identification.

The Influence of Taiwan Identification and its Augment

The recognition of the difference between China and Taiwan, and the experience being oppressed by China will create Taiwan identification. The attitude, which is to recognize themselves as Taiwanese, will make people object to economical cross-Strait relations even though they know there could be monetary benefits, increase the rate to support the candidates who are closer to DPP and affect the recognition of parties which are more “blue.” Taiwan identification has become a more influential factor than provincialism in elections.

Does the Rise of Taiwan Identification Equal More Supporters of Taiwan Independence?

According to the chart which is released by Election Study Center National Chengchi University, while Taiwan identification has remarkably increased, the preference in the Unification-Independence stances of Taiwanese has not changed significantly. This may imply that Taiwan identification does not have direct relation to Taiwan independence, and there are still other factors involved, such as the recognition of the Constitution of Republic of China and the fear for China military might. “The 2011 Taiwan National Security Survey found that if one assumes China would not attack if it declared its independence, 80.2 percent of Taiwanese would in fact opt for independence.”(Mearsheimer)

It has little doubt nowadays that most Taiwanese prefer independence if China’s military threat is excluded. The problem is how and in what form. According to Mearsheimer, “Taiwan is not going to gain formal independence in the foreseeable future, mainly because China would not tolerate that outcome.” Taiwan can move toward de facto independence, which means Taiwan is independent practically but is not acknowledged formally by the law or other countries. Mearsheimer provides three options for Taiwan’s future. First is to pursue nuclear deterrent. If Taiwan has its own nuclear arsenal, it would be more difficult for China to conquer Taiwan. However, both China and the U.S. will strongly oppose Taiwan gaining a nuclear deterrent. Second option is conventional deterrence, which means to make China pay a huge price to unify Taiwan. Mearsheimer suggests that “This strategy would be even more effective if Taiwan could promise China that the resistance would continue even after its forces were defeated on the battlefield.” The third option is to pursue what China calls “one country, two systems,” as China has become more powerful and unification seems inevitable.




References:

John J. Mearsheimer, Taiwan in the Shadow of a Rising China, Taiwanese Journal of Political Science No. 58

Revised Annotations (3)- Treaties Concerning Taiwan's Sovereignty

     In this annotation, I trace back to the history of Taiwan. Taiwan was given to Japan in 1895 according to the Treaty of Shimonoseki(馬關條約) as a result of losing The First Sino-Japanese War(甲午戰爭) which happened because of the sovereign rights over Korean Peninsula, so Taiwan was under Japanese governance during the period of WWI and WWII. As WWI was coming to an end, a wave of self-determination swept the world. “President Wilson presented his “14 points” as a blueprint of the handling of the war’s aftermath. Included in his “14 points” was the principle of self-determination for all people. In handling the aftermath of this war, the views of all people should be respected.”(15) At the same time, Korea was also under Japanese governance, and the Korean launched independence movement. Taiwanese intellectuals at that time were inspired by the movement and the concept of self-determination, so they were determined to strive for more freedom and equality in Taiwan. “We Taiwanese must seriously consider our future under Japanese rule.”(26) Taiwan’s leading intellectuals at that time were Cai Peihou(蔡培火) and Jiang Wieshuei(蔣渭水). These people along with Lin Siantang(林獻堂), considering that independence was impossible at the time, started the campaign to establish a representative assembly of Taiwan as the first step. This could be seen as the first sign of Taiwanese caring about the politics and Taiwan’s future.
     In November 1943, “World War II was drawing to a close and the Japanese were on the brink of defeat. The leaders of the allied powers, China, the United States and Great Britain, met at Cairo and the issue of Taiwan’s future was addressed. The U.S. backed Chiang Kai-shek in his request that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China.”(14) However, in the formal treaty, Treaty of Peace with Japan, which was signed at San Francisco in 1951, the request was not recorded. The original text of the treaty wrote, “Japan renounces all right, title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores.” It simply states that Japan “renounces” all right, but it doesn’t specify that Japan will give its right to the Republic of China.
     The popular dispute now in Taiwan is that which one is effective, Cairo Declaration in which Chiang Kai-shek requests that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China or Treaty of Peace with Japan? According to Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, Article 28, Non-retroactivity of Treaties, the latter should be more effective. If the Chinese National Party didn’t come to Taiwan after WWII, Taiwan would probably apply the principle of self-determination. Taiwan has the chance to become an independent country, and for this reason, some Taiwanese don’t recognize the name “Republic of China.” ROC is also refused in United Nation, and the reason could be that both People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China claim that they are the only and legitimate representative of China. This idea should be abandoned since one side one country has become the truth. To strive for a position in UN, using the name “Taiwan” is more practical.

Reference:
鄭丞鈞, 劉素珍, 劉昭淵and Peter Hillman, A History of Taiwan in Comics: The Japanese Era (II) : The Age of Awakening, Taipei, Green Futures Publishers Co., Ltd.
鄭丞鈞, 劉素珍, 劉昭淵and Peter Hillman, A History of Taiwan in Comics: The Post-World War II Era (I) : In the Realm of the Strongmen, Taipei, Green Futures Publishers Co., Ltd.

https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%201155/volume-1155-I-18232-English.pdf

2014年12月10日 星期三

Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity

Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity

Why should we investigate Taiwan identity?

Group identity is important in social science study. Humans are social animals. In the process of evolution, people will attach to a certain group mentally. From the aspect of psychology, when a person says he/she belongs to a group, it reflects what he/she will dislike according to his/her knowledge and the world he/she sees through his/her mind, which enable us to speculate whether he/she will support or object to the political and social issues, and what information his/her brain will emphasize or neglect when receiving it.

Group identity is often related to a nation’s decision to be independent or unified. For example, in the process of European integration, those countries with stronger nation identification are more inclined to be against European integration. Another example is that the younger generation in Cyprus, a country on the Mediterranean which is separated to the north and the south, also stands against the unification for identifying with the different territory.

The Rise of Taiwan Identity

Due to the replacement of the generation, there are fewer elders who had once lived in China and had fought the war. The younger generation in Taiwan who lives and grows on this land tends to identify themselves as Taiwanese.

For those individuals who change their identification in their older age, this transformation is often stimulated by the outer factors. In 1997, the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis which is caused by the missiles fired by China made Taiwan identification increased by 10%(See the chart below). Likewise, before and after president elections, the rate of Taiwan identification will also increase.

Economical benefits will also influence Taiwan identity. The Taiwanese who feel that China’s economic is beneficial to Taiwan tend to have less Taiwan identification.

The Influence of Taiwan Identification and its Augment

The recognition of the difference between China and Taiwan, and the experience being oppressed by China will create Taiwan identification. The attitude, which is to recognize themselves as Taiwanese, will make people object to economical cross-Strait relations even though they know there could be monetary benefits, increase the rate to support the candidates who are closer to DPP and affect the recognition of parties which are more “blue.” Taiwan identification has become a more influential factor than provincialism in elections.

Does the Rise of Taiwan Identification Equal More Supporters of Taiwan Independence?


According to the chart which is released by Election Study Center National Chengchi University, while Taiwan identification has remarkably increased, the preference in the Unification-Independence stances of Taiwanese has not changed significantly. This may imply that Taiwan identification does not have direct relation to Taiwan independence, and there are still other factors involved, such as the recognition of the Constitution of Republic of China and the fear for China military might.





References:

http://whogovernstw.org/2014/07/25/austinwang4/


2014年12月3日 星期三

Reflection

     Professor Liang always emphasizes the importance of our motivation in writing our papers. What we care about will determine how deep and broad our papers could be. The topic I chose, Should Taiwan be an Independent Country, is related to the future job that I want to do, a diplomat. During the teacher-student conference, Professor Liang asked why I want to be a diplomat. It was hard for me to answer. I have had this thought (to be a diplomat) since I was a freshman when I sometimes worried what I could do after graduation. The concrete reason was even beyond my knowledge, but I could vaguely tell that first, I like to go abroad to have life experience in different countries, and being diplomat offers me this opportunity. Second, diplomat is a public official so the pay and treatment were good, a reason which is quite utilitarian.
     After I decided to be a diplomat, I have grown more and more interest in politics, and I care about Taiwan’s international relation and Taiwan’s relation with China. Since my father works in China now, Professor Liang suggested that I could interview my father about his experience in China and his opinions. However, I couldn’t figure out any way that I could communicate with him securely, and my father won’t come back until Chinese New Year, so I gave up this idea. Instead, I would like to design a questionnaire about whether they support Taiwan’s independence and their reasons for my peers to answer. The questionnaire will include questions such as, “Do you support that Taiwan becomes an independent country through referendum?” “Do you feel any hostility against Chinese?” “Do you recognize that Taiwan and China are the same in the aspect of ethnicity and culture?” “Do you recognize with ROC this government?” Some questions may simply ask them to answer yes or no and to write their reasons briefly. Some questions may ask their opinions.
     Ever since Sunflower Movement in March this year, more and more people in my generation started to be concerned with Taiwan’s politics, and I think it’s a good phenomenon. Many comments that I received from my peers asked me to relate my essays to Sunflower Movement and Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong, which are both animated by almost the younger generations. After the result of Local Elections on November 29th was revealed, we could see that the younger generation and the internet had brought their influence into full play. KMT lost the election in most of the counties, even the counties which have always been considered as having most KMT’s loyal supporters. BBC News reported that “Taiwan's local election, widely been seen as a referendum on relations with China.” KMT’s failure could be approximately viewed as Taiwan’s rejection to China.

     In my later annotations, I would discuss what crisis we might confront if Taiwan wants to be independent and what strategies we could take. China has become more powerful and influential in the international society, and it would be difficult for Taiwan to look for international support. Taiwan’s future is still full of uncertainty. In my final paper, I would include in those missing information of Taiwan’s background (Japan’s ruling, foundation of DPP and social movements).

2014年11月26日 星期三

Annotations (3)

     In this annotation, I trace back to the history of Taiwan. As WWI was coming to an end, a wave of self-determination swept the world. “President Wilson presented his “14 points” as a blueprint of the handling of the war’s aftermath. Included in his “14 points” was the principle of self-determination for all people. In handling the aftermath of this war, the views of all people should be respected.”(15) Taiwanese intellectuals at that time were inspired by this concept and were determined to strive for more freedom and equality in Taiwan. “We Taiwanese must seriously consider our future under Japanese rule.”(26) This could be seen as the first time that Taiwanese talking about our own future that is related to our sovereignty.


     In November 1943, “World War II was drawing to a close and the Japanese were on the brink of defeat. The leaders of the allied powers, China, the United States and Great Britain, met at Cairo and the issue of Taiwan’s future was addressed. The U.S. backed Chiang Kai-shek in his request that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China.”(14) However, in the formal treaty, Treaty of Peace with Japan, which was signed at San Francisco in 1951, the request was not recorded. The original text of the treaty wrote, “Japan renounces all right, title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores.” It simply states that Japan “renounces” all right, but it doesn’t specify that Japan will give its right to the Republic of China.

     The popular dispute now in Taiwan is that which one is effective, Cairo Declaration in which Chiang Kai-shek requests that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China or Treaty of Peace with Japan? The latter should be effective since the allied powers in WWII had signed the treaty and Cairo Declaration was not a treaty. If the Chinese National Party didn’t come to Taiwan after WWII, Taiwan would probably apply the principle of self-determination. Taiwan has the chance to become an independent country, and for this reason, some Taiwanese don’t recognize the name “Republic of China.” This is how I try to support the independence of Taiwan from the perspective of history.





References:
認識台灣歷史. 8, 日本時代(下) : 覺醒的年代 [電子資源] : 覺醒的年代 = The Japanese Era (II) : The Age of Awakening / 鄭丞鈞劇本編寫 ; 劉素珍, 劉昭淵漫畫繪製 ; 何仁傑(Peter Hillman)英譯.
認識台灣歷史. 9, 戰後(上): 強人天空下 [電子資源] : 強人天空下 = The Post-World War II Era (I) : In the Realm of the Strongmen / 何佩琪劇本編寫 ; 劉素珍, 劉昭淵漫畫繪製 ; 文魯彬(Robin J. Winkler)英譯. 
https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20136/volume-136-I-1832-English.pdf