Revised Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity and Solution for Taiwan’s Future

Why should we investigate Taiwan identity?

Group identity is important in social science study. Humans are social animals. In the process of evolution, people will attach to a certain group mentally. From the aspect of psychology, when a person says he/she belongs to a group, it reflects what he/she will dislike according to his/her knowledge and the world he/she sees through his/her mind, which enable us to speculate whether he/she will support or object to the political and social issues, and what information his/her brain will emphasize or neglect when receiving it.

Group identity is often related to a nation’s decision to be independent or unified. For example, in the process of European integration, those countries with stronger nation identification are more inclined to be against European integration. Another example is that the younger generation in Cyprus, a country on the Mediterranean which is separated to the north and the south, also stands against the unification for identifying with the different territory. To compare Taiwan with Cyprus, the geography difference cannot be ignored. There is no natural barrier between north and south Cyprus, when there is Taiwan Strait between China and Taiwan, which might have deferred the invasion of China.

The Rise of Taiwan Identity

Due to the replacement of the generation, there are fewer elders who had once lived in China and had fought the war. The younger generation in Taiwan who lives and grows on this land tends to identify themselves as Taiwanese.

For those individuals who change their identification in their older age, this transformation is often stimulated by the outer factors. In 1997, the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis which is caused by the missiles fired by China made Taiwan identification increased by 10%(See the chart below). Likewise, before and after president elections, the rate of Taiwan identification will also increase.

Economical benefits will also influence Taiwan identity. The Taiwanese who feel that China’s economic is beneficial to Taiwan tend to have less Taiwan identification.

The Influence of Taiwan Identification and its Augment

The recognition of the difference between China and Taiwan, and the experience being oppressed by China will create Taiwan identification. The attitude, which is to recognize themselves as Taiwanese, will make people object to economical cross-Strait relations even though they know there could be monetary benefits, increase the rate to support the candidates who are closer to DPP and affect the recognition of parties which are more “blue.” Taiwan identification has become a more influential factor than provincialism in elections.

Does the Rise of Taiwan Identification Equal More Supporters of Taiwan Independence?

According to the chart which is released by Election Study Center National Chengchi University, while Taiwan identification has remarkably increased, the preference in the Unification-Independence stances of Taiwanese has not changed significantly. This may imply that Taiwan identification does not have direct relation to Taiwan independence, and there are still other factors involved, such as the recognition of the Constitution of Republic of China and the fear for China military might. “The 2011 Taiwan National Security Survey found that if one assumes China would not attack if it declared its independence, 80.2 percent of Taiwanese would in fact opt for independence.”(Mearsheimer)

It has little doubt nowadays that most Taiwanese prefer independence if China’s military threat is excluded. The problem is how and in what form. According to Mearsheimer, “Taiwan is not going to gain formal independence in the foreseeable future, mainly because China would not tolerate that outcome.” Taiwan can move toward de facto independence, which means Taiwan is independent practically but is not acknowledged formally by the law or other countries. Mearsheimer provides three options for Taiwan’s future. First is to pursue nuclear deterrent. If Taiwan has its own nuclear arsenal, it would be more difficult for China to conquer Taiwan. However, both China and the U.S. will strongly oppose Taiwan gaining a nuclear deterrent. Second option is conventional deterrence, which means to make China pay a huge price to unify Taiwan. Mearsheimer suggests that “This strategy would be even more effective if Taiwan could promise China that the resistance would continue even after its forces were defeated on the battlefield.” The third option is to pursue what China calls “one country, two systems,” as China has become more powerful and unification seems inevitable.

References:

http://whogovernstw.org/2014/07/25/austinwang4/

John J. Mearsheimer, Taiwan in the Shadow of a Rising China, Taiwanese Journal of Political Science No. 58

Revised Annotations (3)- Treaties Concerning Taiwan's Sovereignty

     In this annotation, I trace back to the history of Taiwan. Taiwan was given to Japan in 1895 according to the Treaty of Shimonoseki(馬關條約) as a result of losing The First Sino-Japanese War(甲午戰爭) which happened because of the sovereign rights over Korean Peninsula, so Taiwan was under Japanese governance during the period of WWI and WWII. As WWI was coming to an end, a wave of self-determination swept the world. “President Wilson presented his “14 points” as a blueprint of the handling of the war’s aftermath. Included in his “14 points” was the principle of self-determination for all people. In handling the aftermath of this war, the views of all people should be respected.”(15) At the same time, Korea was also under Japanese governance, and the Korean launched independence movement. Taiwanese intellectuals at that time were inspired by the movement and the concept of self-determination, so they were determined to strive for more freedom and equality in Taiwan. “We Taiwanese must seriously consider our future under Japanese rule.”(26) Taiwan’s leading intellectuals at that time were Cai Peihou(蔡培火) and Jiang Wieshuei(蔣渭水). These people along with Lin Siantang(林獻堂), considering that independence was impossible at the time, started the campaign to establish a representative assembly of Taiwan as the first step. This could be seen as the first sign of Taiwanese caring about the politics and Taiwan’s future.

     In November 1943, “World War II was drawing to a close and the Japanese were on the brink of defeat. The leaders of the allied powers, China, the United States and Great Britain, met at Cairo and the issue of Taiwan’s future was addressed. The U.S. backed Chiang Kai-shek in his request that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China.”(14) However, in the formal treaty, Treaty of Peace with Japan, which was signed at San Francisco in 1951, the request was not recorded. The original text of the treaty wrote, “Japan renounces all right, title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores.” It simply states that Japan “renounces” all right, but it doesn’t specify that Japan will give its right to the Republic of China.

     The popular dispute now in Taiwan is that which one is effective, Cairo Declaration in which Chiang Kai-shek requests that Japan return Manchuria, Formosa and Penghu to the Republic of China or Treaty of Peace with Japan? According to Vienna Convention on the law of treaties, Article 28, Non-retroactivity of Treaties, the latter should be more effective. If the Chinese National Party didn’t come to Taiwan after WWII, Taiwan would probably apply the principle of self-determination. Taiwan has the chance to become an independent country, and for this reason, some Taiwanese don’t recognize the name “Republic of China.” ROC is also refused in United Nation, and the reason could be that both People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China claim that they are the only and legitimate representative of China. This idea should be abandoned since one side one country has become the truth. To strive for a position in UN, using the name “Taiwan” is more practical.

Reference:

鄭丞鈞, 劉素珍, 劉昭淵and Peter Hillman, A History of Taiwan in Comics: The Japanese Era (II) : The Age of Awakening, Taipei, Green Futures Publishers Co., Ltd.

鄭丞鈞, 劉素珍, 劉昭淵and Peter Hillman, A History of Taiwan in Comics: The Post-World War II Era (I) : In the Realm of the Strongmen, Taipei, Green Futures Publishers Co., Ltd.

https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%20136/volume-136-I-1832-English.pdf

https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/UNTS/Volume%201155/volume-1155-I-18232-English.pdf

Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity

Annotations (4)—Taiwan Identity

Why should we investigate Taiwan identity?

Group identity is important in social science study. Humans are social animals. In the process of evolution, people will attach to a certain group mentally. From the aspect of psychology, when a person says he/she belongs to a group, it reflects what he/she will dislike according to his/her knowledge and the world he/she sees through his/her mind, which enable us to speculate whether he/she will support or object to the political and social issues, and what information his/her brain will emphasize or neglect when receiving it.

Group identity is often related to a nation’s decision to be independent or unified. For example, in the process of European integration, those countries with stronger nation identification are more inclined to be against European integration. Another example is that the younger generation in Cyprus, a country on the Mediterranean which is separated to the north and the south, also stands against the unification for identifying with the different territory.

The Rise of Taiwan Identity

Due to the replacement of the generation, there are fewer elders who had once lived in China and had fought the war. The younger generation in Taiwan who lives and grows on this land tends to identify themselves as Taiwanese.

For those individuals who change their identification in their older age, this transformation is often stimulated by the outer factors. In 1997, the 1995–1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis which is caused by the missiles fired by China made Taiwan identification increased by 10%(See the chart below). Likewise, before and after president elections, the rate of Taiwan identification will also increase.

Economical benefits will also influence Taiwan identity. The Taiwanese who feel that China’s economic is beneficial to Taiwan tend to have less Taiwan identification.

The Influence of Taiwan Identification and its Augment

The recognition of the difference between China and Taiwan, and the experience being oppressed by China will create Taiwan identification. The attitude, which is to recognize themselves as Taiwanese, will make people object to economical cross-Strait relations even though they know there could be monetary benefits, increase the rate to support the candidates who are closer to DPP and affect the recognition of parties which are more “blue.” Taiwan identification has become a more influential factor than provincialism in elections.

Does the Rise of Taiwan Identification Equal More Supporters of Taiwan Independence?

According to the chart which is released by Election Study Center National Chengchi University, while Taiwan identification has remarkably increased, the preference in the Unification-Independence stances of Taiwanese has not changed significantly. This may imply that Taiwan identification does not have direct relation to Taiwan independence, and there are still other factors involved, such as the recognition of the Constitution of Republic of China and the fear for China military might.

References:

http://whogovernstw.org/2014/07/25/austinwang4/

Reflection

     Professor Liang always emphasizes the importance of our motivation in writing our papers. What we care about will determine how deep and broad our papers could be. The topic I chose, Should Taiwan be an Independent Country, is related to the future job that I want to do, a diplomat. During the teacher-student conference, Professor Liang asked why I want to be a diplomat. It was hard for me to answer. I have had this thought (to be a diplomat) since I was a freshman when I sometimes worried what I could do after graduation. The concrete reason was even beyond my knowledge, but I could vaguely tell that first, I like to go abroad to have life experience in different countries, and being diplomat offers me this opportunity. Second, diplomat is a public official so the pay and treatment were good, a reason which is quite utilitarian.

     After I decided to be a diplomat, I have grown more and more interest in politics, and I care about Taiwan’s international relation and Taiwan’s relation with China. Since my father works in China now, Professor Liang suggested that I could interview my father about his experience in China and his opinions. However, I couldn’t figure out any way that I could communicate with him securely, and my father won’t come back until Chinese New Year, so I gave up this idea. Instead, I would like to design a questionnaire about whether they support Taiwan’s independence and their reasons for my peers to answer. The questionnaire will include questions such as, “Do you support that Taiwan becomes an independent country through referendum?” “Do you feel any hostility against Chinese?” “Do you recognize that Taiwan and China are the same in the aspect of ethnicity and culture?” “Do you recognize with ROC this government?” Some questions may simply ask them to answer yes or no and to write their reasons briefly. Some questions may ask their opinions.

     Ever since Sunflower Movement in March this year, more and more people in my generation started to be concerned with Taiwan’s politics, and I think it’s a good phenomenon. Many comments that I received from my peers asked me to relate my essays to Sunflower Movement and Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong, which are both animated by almost the younger generations. After the result of Local Elections on November 29^th was revealed, we could see that the younger generation and the internet had brought their influence into full play. KMT lost the election in most of the counties, even the counties which have always been considered as having most KMT’s loyal supporters. BBC News reported that “Taiwan's local election, widely been seen as a referendum on relations with China.” KMT’s failure could be approximately viewed as Taiwan’s rejection to China.

     In my later annotations, I would discuss what crisis we might confront if Taiwan wants to be independent and what strategies we could take. China has become more powerful and influential in the international society, and it would be difficult for Taiwan to look for international support. Taiwan’s future is still full of uncertainty. In my final paper, I would include in those missing information of Taiwan’s background (Japan’s ruling, foundation of DPP and social movements).